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Topics - Tezy_Sandhu
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101
« on: June 18, 2009, 10:49:36 PM »
Waheguru ji ka Khalsa....
Waheguru ji kee fateh.....
Jive kee tuhanu patta e aa k ajjkal pakhandi babe bahoot aa.... te main sochiya lok ona nu ja ja k mathe tekde aa... te ohna de aashirwad lainde aa..... kio na main v thoda babeyan da maan tan kar dewan.... mainu patta jo babeyan de bhagat aa ohna nu gussa bahoot lagna par apan jo karna c karta hun tuhadi marji gussa karo ja na.....
Jine v ne eh sarkari boobne(pakhandi sadh)...
Chad dene gaddi eh hankari boobne...
Banke hai babe chahunde mathe jo takone...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ramanand mariya jiyo wich hai vayana...
Sarse wale inj laouna hai nishana...
landi buchi dekhi fer bhale nai thaoune...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Chhadna nai jionda bhaniaare wale nu...
Chad dena gaddi dharmale wale nu...
Khule daswan (10th) dawar kive gur eh sakhone...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Mastuaane wale di lohni thodi masti...
Jag to mita deni us di v hasti...
Wakhra jo chahunde harmandir banone...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Sikhi di matoni chahunda jehda shan nu...
Chhadna nai us bheve wale maan nu....
Duniya te eh char(4) dina de parone...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Thok dena oh v aashutosh jo hankari...
Lave sikhan naal panga ohdi mat gayi mari...
Raste cho rode wang pare eh hatone...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....'
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Rahe sda Khalse te mehar rabb di...
Bobbniyan di toli dekhi kive bhaj di...
Tezy ne tawe sda babeyan te loune...
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Ek ek kar asi mar eh makone.... ek ek....
Hanji kive lagga sab nu dasna jaroor.... te jo ehna de bhagat aa oh gussa jaroor karan ...... kiyonki sayad gussa
karke ohna nu koi akal aa jave te ehna nu mathe tekne band kar den...
Waheguru ji ka khalsa..
Waheguru ji kee fateh...
102
« on: June 14, 2009, 02:15:49 AM »
Ssa punjabi janta ajj bade time baad main ek sher likhiya oh v ohna premiyan nu dhyan ch rakh k jina nu pyar da izhar karan ch badi mushkil aundi aa....... umeed aa tusi pasand karoge....
Dil de wich tera pyar sohniye...
par muhon mathon kah na hove...
Dil kahinda nai dasna tainu....
par dasno v hun rah na hove....
Kinj karan izhar pyar da...
mainu jad eh samjh na aaya...
Soch soch k soch eh sochi...
tan main eh sher banaya....
Dil di gal main khol sunayi...
hun tu v apne dil di dasde...
Kee e raaz ehna de piche....
tere bulan te jo hase hasde...
Sheesha te kach kade judde nahi...
boch k lawin je pai thokar laouni..
Nai jeena mushkil hoyu Tezy nu....
te mangiyan v fer mout nai auni....
Thanks Guys
103
« on: June 13, 2009, 03:12:03 PM »
Waheguru ji ka khalsa....
Waheguru ji kee fateh...
jive kee main tuhanu pahilan v dasiya c k ithe chicago wich har saal june 84 de shaheedan di yaad vich samagam rakhiya janda... main us program di video post kar riha hope k tusi like karoge...
104
« on: June 10, 2009, 11:09:26 PM »
105
« on: June 04, 2009, 06:41:33 PM »
106
« on: June 03, 2009, 02:05:54 PM »
Waheguru ji ka khalsa
Waheguru ji ki fateh...
Jive kee tuhanu sab nu patta k June month Sikh History wich kina important din aa...for example...
1 june
1748: 10,000 Sikhs were massacared in the Small Holocaust..
1984: Indian forces initiated their first day of assault on the Golden Temple complex.
3rd june
1947: Mountbatten announced the division of the Punjab.
1984: Sri Darbar Sahib was invaded by Indian Armed Forces. The Indian Government imposed 36 hrs. of curfew beginning at 9pm and handed over the Punjab to its Armed Forces.
4th june
1984: Sri Darbar Sahib, Amritsar along with more than 120 other shrines were under continous attack by the Indian Armed Forces.
5th june
984: A fierce battle in the Golden Temple Complex continued as the Sri Akal Takhat was attacked with heavy artillery and tanks.
6th june
1984: Indian Army's final assault on Sri Darbar Sahib and the Akal Takhat was begun. Additionally, 37 other Gurdwaras were attacked.
1984: The Sikh Reference Library was destroyed.
1984: GurSikhs from rural Punjab marched to defend Sri Darbar Sahib despite the heavy presence of armed forces.
1984: The Sikh soldier rebellion began. Several Sikh soldiers were killed and thousands were arrested.
11th june
1982: 15 Beedhs of Sri Guru Granth Sahib were burned at the village of Makha.
20th june
1670: Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji was arrested in Delhi.
is karke june month sikh history da bahoot important month aa... te meri request aa tuhade sab agge hath jod ke kee apan pura year bahoot sariyan gallan battan te topic post karde aa par sirf te sirf ke june mahine wich je apan ohna saheedan nu yaad kar sakiye te sayad jo ohna ne sade lai kita ohda kuch karz utar sakiye... plz meri request aa k jive v topic apan is bare post kar sakde aa ja information share kar sakde aa kariye... bade afsos naal kahina pai riha k je ajj apan eh sochke baithe rahiye k sikh leadar sade lai kuch karange... ohna kol sanu te sade sikh dharam nu den layi kuch nai aa te naa ohna to umeed kiti ja sakdi aa... So plz jina ne sade layi kurbaniyan ditiyan ja je apne dharam layi ja pher je sach lai ladna te oh sanu apne aap ladna paina... kise ne sadi help nai karni... specially sikh leader ne te bilkul v nai... te fer kiyon na is di shuruaat ohna saheedan nu yaad karke kiti jave jina ne sade layi sab kuch waar dita... bas eniyan k bentiyan karniya c je tuhanu changiyan lagan te sath jaroor dena.... nai te rab rakha sada te sadiyan aoun waliya peediyan da...
Waheguru ji ka khalsa..
Waheguru ji kee fateh....
107
« on: June 01, 2009, 03:55:54 PM »
Every time there is a law and order outrage, there is inevitably a demand for a judicial inquiry. That is, an inquiry in addition to the regular police investigation. Those who demand such an inquiry feel the police cannot be trusted to do a proper investigation either because they are very much a part of the administration or because their own role is under question. The Government often has its own motive for acceding to the inquiry demand: To defuse the tension and avert further problems. Thus, there have been hundreds of judicial inquiries around the country especially since a law was enacted for that purpose way back in 1952.
The subjects of inquiry have been varied. They have ranged from police brutalities and Emergency excesses to political assassinations and communal riots. Each of such issues has been deemed to be a “definite matter of public importance,” the sole criterion laid down by the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952. But in terms of sheer intensity of violence, the number of people murdered, none of those matters can compare with the massacre of some 4,000 Sikhs in Delhi over three days in 1984. The official death toll announced three years after the massacre was 2,733. Since the Partition riots of 1947, there has not been a single carnage anywhere in India on the scale seen in 1984, ironically right in its Capital.
Therefore, it would seem, there has been no fitter case for inquiry than the Delhi massacre. Yet, it took a long time for the Government to accede to the inquiry demand. Almost six months. Though the massacre took place in the first three days of November 1984, the inquiry was appointed only on April 26, 1985. The Government was however prompt in ordering an inquiry into Indira Gandhi’s assassination, which had triggered the massacre. It took just four days to announce a judicial inquiry into the assassination. Why did the Government not show the same kind of urgency about the massacre of 4,000 Sikhs? Why the distinction at the same time between the murder of one and the murder of many? Was there not enough pressure on the Government to hold an inquiry into the massacre as well? No, the victims, Opposition parties, Sikh organisations, newspapers and human rights groups did clamour for an inquiry again and again.
But then the problem for the newly formed Rajiv Gandhi Government was that a lot of those very people were equally vehement in alleging that the massacre had been organised by leaders of the ruling Congress party. On November 9, Atal Behari Vajpayee, who was then the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is the main rival to Congress in the local politics of Delhi, said that the disturbances were “in the main engineered violence and the Congressmen are squarely responsible for this.” Deploring the Government’s failure to accede to the “near unanimous demand” for a judicial inquiry, he said he regarded it as “the Government’s guilty conscience and an eagerness to shove its own sins beneath the carpet.”
While the Government ignored Vajpayee’s charge, the Congress party counter-attacked by saying, “Who is not aware of the anti-minority bias of parties like the BJP? No right thinking person can be taken in by their false and misleading propaganda.” Given such protestations of innocence, one would have expected Rajiv to seize the opportunity of a judicial inquiry to clear, if nothing else, the name of his party and government. If he did no such thing, was it because Rajiv actually had so much to hide that he would rather bear the stigma of suspicion than risk a judicial inquiry, while the wounds were still so fresh and the evidence so much easier to find? Or, was it simply that he was pandering to the wrath of those Hindus who saw the massacre as a richly deserved lesson to the Sikhs.
Whatever his motive, Rajiv could at that stage disregard the allegations of political complicity because they were yet to be supported by details such as the names of the leaders and the nature of their alleged involvement. The only name that came out in the press initially was of a Congress MP from Delhi, Dharam Das Shastri, who was reported to have led a mob to a police station on November 5 and berated the officers for arresting some rioters. Shastri’s gratuitous concern for the miscreants fitted in, on the face of it, with the allegation that Congress leaders had organised the violence. A delegation of Opposition leaders highlighted Shastri’s indiscretion the next day in their joint memorandum to Rajiv, who refused however to see it as anything but an isolated incident of political involvement.
An overall account of the role played by politicians came out for the first time on November 15 when two human rights organisations, People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), published a joint report entitled, Who are the guilty? More significantly, it named the Congress leaders who had apparently been identified by victims and witnesses as organisers of the riots. The report created a sensation alright but only momentarily. That’s because the Government had by then called the Lok Sabha elections, drowning out the commotion over the inquiry demand.
The poll was fixed for December 27, a fortnight ahead of the due date. The election announcement made on November 13 put paid to any chances of an inquiry being ordered till at least the electoral process was completed. But, in the run-up to the elections, Rajiv had to explain his stand on the massacre and the inquiry demand on more than one occasion. Except that he kept taking varying and often conflicting positions.
First, he provided a rationale to the massacre which made the inquiry demand sound rather misplaced. It was that famous comparison he made of the massacre with the impact of a big tree falling on the earth. The official translation of his Hindi speech on Indira Gandhi’s birth anniversary says: “Some riots took place in the country following the murder of Indiraji. We know the people were very angry and for a few days it seemed that India had been shaken. But, when a mighty tree falls, it is only natural that the earth around it does shake a little.” In other words, he was plugging the line that the three-day massacre in Delhi of 4,000 Sikhs was entirely a spontaneous reaction of the mourners.
But in the course of his election campaigning, Rajiv gave another spin to the massacre. He repeatedly said that the motive behind Indira’s assassination was to provoke widespread communal violence as part of a grand design to break up the country. The implication being that the perpetrators of the communal violence were themselves victims of a conspiracy as much as the Sikhs they massacred were. Though Rajiv was in effect attributing the assassination and the consequent massacre to a common conspiracy, the terms of reference of the Justice M.P. Thakkar commission set up by him to unravel the conspiracy behind the assassination made no reference whatsoever to the massacre.
In his interaction with the press during the electioneering, Rajiv took yet another position whenever he was asked about the inquiry demanded into the alleged involvement of his party leaders in the Delhi massacre. Recalling the meeting he had with the Opposition leaders on November 6, he said they could name only one leader and he took action on that basis. The leader Rajiv was referring to was none other than Dharam Das Shastri and the action taken against him was that he was not renominated as a Congress candidate in the election. The implication of Rajiv’s reply to the press was: since he had denied the Congress ticket to Shastri, there was no more any need for a judicial inquiry into the massacre.
However untenable and inconsistent his reasoning might have been, Rajiv’s evasion of the inquiry turned out to be in tune with the popular mood in the election, held as it was under the shadow of Indira Gandhi’s assassination and the massacre of Sikhs. Thanks to the overwhelming mandate he received from the electorate (more than 90 per cent of the seats in the Lok Sabha), Rajiv’s insensitivity to the riot victims seemed to have turned into contempt for them. The customary condolence motions passed by the new Lok Sabha referred to Indira Gandhi and even the victims of the Bhopal industrial disaster that took place in December 1984. But those killed in the massacre that followed Indira’s assassination were conspicuously overlooked. It was as though Rajiv wanted to avoid any gesture that might have been construed to legitimise the inquiry demand.
In an interview to India Today in January 1985, he said the inquiry would not help as it would only rake up “issues that are really dead.” That was a singularly unkind metaphor. He had never before been so derisive of the inquiry demand nor so dismissive of the value of an independent probe into the massacre. As if that was not bad enough, Rajiv went on to give a sinister twist to the inquiry demand in an interview to Sunday magazine around the same time. He said an inquiry was not being instituted as “it would do more damage to the Sikhs, it would do more damage to the country by specifically opening this whole thing up again.” It sounded as though he was giving a veiled threat to the victims that they could get into worse trouble if they pressed for an inquiry.
For all the vehemence with which he ruled out the inquiry, Rajiv soon had to eat his words due to his administrative compulsion. He had won the election positioning himself as the best bet to save the country from being consumed by the raging Punjab militancy. As a natural corollary, he declared right after the election that his “top priority” was to settle the Punjab problem at the earliest. The key to that problem lay in opening a dialogue with the Akali Dal leaders who had been in detention since the crackdown that followed Operation Bluestar in June 1984. The Government released them from detention but found that they were unwilling to deal with it. The Akali leaders refused to talk with the Government until it proved its bona fides by setting up a judicial inquiry into the 1984 massacre.
Rajiv no doubt found it difficult to consider that pre-condition because of his avowed policy of shunning the inquiry. Besides, the no-inquiry policy was an important part of the winning formula in the December 1984 Lok Sabha election. He was under pressure to leave that formula undisturbed for the assembly elections in several states barely three months later. It was after all vital for the new Prime Minister to show that his maiden triumph was no fluke and that he still commanded popular support.
Thus, only after he tided over the assembly elections in March 1985, did Rajiv allow his administrative exigency to take precedence over his political posture. The first indication came when he sent a Cabinet panel at that stage to Punjab where his home minister, S.B. Chavan, declared that the inquiry could well be considered as part of a package settlement. But as the Akalis maintained that the inquiry would have to be appointed before the talks on the Punjab problem, Rajiv petulantly asked in an interview to Frontline in April 1985: “Well, there is something basically wrong here, because isn’t that what we are going to talk about? If it’s already done before we talk, then what are we talking about?” He was eager to talk about the inquiry with the Akali leaders because, as he put it then to the British publication Observer, “we would like them to come forward and say exactly what they want now.”
The politician in Rajiv had dismissed the inquiry demand outright just a few weeks earlier saying it would only rake up dead issues and do more damage to the Sikhs and the country. The administrator in him was now trying to use the inquiry issue as a bargaining counter in the negotiations he proposed to have with the Akali leaders for an accord on Punjab. There was however a stalemate as the Akalis refused to talk until the inquiry was appointed. They sought to exert pressure on the Government by threatening to launch a major agitation on April 13, the anniversary of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. The Government gave in just two days before the threatened agitation when Chavan announced in Parliament a package of measures to “restore normalcy in Punjab.” One was the release of some more Sikh detainees and another was the lifting of the ban on a militant Sikh student organisation. The third and the most important measure announced in that context was the decision to hold a judicial inquiry into the Delhi massacre.
Thus, the Rajiv Gandhi Government made no bones about the fact that the inquiry demand was finally conceded merely to clear the way to an accord on Punjab with the Akali Dal. There was no pretence whatsoever that it had suddenly found the inquiry demand to be just. But then, strictly speaking, the Government’s attitude should not matter any longer once an inquiry commission is appointed. The inquiry takes its own course regardless of what anybody feels. Its job is to find facts and make recommendations. The commission enjoys as much independence from the executive as the court does. The Government can have its way only after the commission is done with the inquiry. The Government has the discretion to accept or reject the commission’s findings and recommendations. Given the moral weight of a report written by a judge after due inquiry, the Government is generally hard pressed to justify any disagreement with the Commission.
The Rajiv Gandhi Government did not however face any such embarrassment on account of the inquiry report on the 1984 massacre. Although it found that “a number of people belonging to the Congress (I) party at the lower level had participated in the riots,” the report absolved the party leaders of the allegation of organising the massacre. The Commission headed by a serving Supreme Court judge, Ranganath Misra, did however confirm some other serious allegations: that for three whole days the mobs had a free run of the place murdering, looting and raping hundreds of Sikhs; that the administration in the Capital had all but collapsed; that the police either looked the other side or joined the mobs; that there was an undue delay in imposing the curfew as well as in calling the army; that the pattern of violence indicated that it was organised; that the police either refused to entertain the complaints of the victims or registered them only after deleting the names of influential people; that the police and the rioters harassed the victims even during the inquiry to prevent them from deposing before it. Yet, the Misra Commission held that the culprits in the Congress party behind the massacre were only workers and not leaders.
How did the Commission come up with such a finding in the face of all those facts suggesting otherwise? How did it reconcile the blanket exoneration of the Congress leaders with, say, the controversy over Congress MP Dharam Das Shastri who allegedly stormed a police station with a mob to secure the release of other rioters? What could the Congress party have deposed in its defence which made the Commission dissociate the leaders from the workers? What was that strong evidence which convinced Misra that the party workers were more likely to have acted on their own, without any instigation or organisation from their leaders? What exactly did the leaders and the workers say about each other during their cross-examination? What action did the party show to have taken against the delinquent workers and did it assume moral responsibility for their crimes?
The answers to these questions should logically have figured in the inquiry report on “the allegations in regard to the incidents of organised violence.” Equally obvious, no such inquiry could have been completed without the participation of the very people who were alleged to have organised the violence. Namely, the Congress leaders and workers identified by the victims in their affidavits before the Commission. The leaders included H.K.L. Bhagat, who was a minister in the Rajiv Gandhi Government, and Sajjan Kumar and Dharam Das Shastri, former Congress MPs, and several Delhi legislators. But, as it happened, Misra did not throughout the inquiry call any of those Congress members nor for that matter any representative of the party.
Misra’s failure to put a single political leader through the wringer of cross examination contrasts with the conduct of other inquiries held into similar issues. Take the case of the B.N. Srikrishna Commission which inquired into the Bombay riots of 1992-93 in the wake of the Babri Masjid demolition. The Srikrishna Commission on its own initiative put in the witness box Shiv Sena leader Manohar Joshi, who had by then become chief minister of Maharashtra, and Congress leaders, Sudhakar Naik and Sharad Pawar, who were at the time of the riots Maharashtra chief minister and Union defence minister, respectively.
Far from asserting his power to call anybody as a witness, Misra went out of his way to keep the Congress members out of the proceedings even at the cost of violating the law. Section 8-B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act stipulates that the Commission cannot probe the conduct of any person without giving him an opportunity to be heard and to defend himself. The allegations made by the victims were very much about the conduct of the Congress members. Misra should therefore have given them an opportunity to defend themselves by issuing Section 8-B notices to them. None of the Congress members however objected to his failure to do so. The fact that they forsook their right to defend themselves implied two things. One, they feared they would only be exposed further when cross examined by the lawyers of the victims. Two, they had the confidence or foreknowledge that Misra would somehow vindicate them even in the absence of their defence.
Thus, by shielding the Congress members from his own proceedings, Misra has clearly engaged in a fix-it inquiry. Nevertheless, he had to find some other way of countering all those nasty affidavits from the victims. He did so in his own freewheeling manner with the testimony of a third party. Namely, those who filed, as Misra himself put it, “affidavits against the victims.” It was odd enough that any affidavit should have been filed at all against the Sikhs in the context of their own massacre. Not only were such affidavits filed but they also outnumbered those in support of the victims by as many as four times.
All the anti-victim affidavits had the same stereotyped contents asserting that the local MP and other Congressmen had helped the Sikhs. None of them went into specific details of how the Congress leaders had helped the Sikhs during the carnage. But even if their credibility was found acceptable, the anti-victims affidavits could at best have been used to corroborate the defence of the Congress leaders. Misra instead used the anti-victim affidavits as a substitute for the non-existent defence of the Congress leaders, thereby sparing them the risk of facing the cross examination.
Another notable aspect of Misra’s fix-it inquiry was, he conducted it throughout in the secrecy of in camera proceedings. Generally, whether it is a court of law or commission of inquiry, the power of holding in camera proceedings is sparingly used so as to maintain the credibility of the proceedings. But, just as the Congress leaders could not risk facing the lawyers of the victims, Misra could not afford to let the press attend his proceedings lest they caught on to his cover-up attempts. When a few reports came out initially despite his ban on the entry of the press, Misra passed an unprecedented order threatening to take action against the newspapers that continue to report the Commission’s proceedings.
Later, when he was to examine some public officials in the course of the inquiry, he turned all the more secretive and kept in the dark even the lawyers of the victims. That was the last straw for the Citizens Justice Committee (CJC), the main representative of the victims. It withdrew from the proceedings half-way through the inquiry, causing embarrassment to Misra. Not the least because the CJC could not be dismissed as a bunch of hot-headed activists since it consisted of highly respected establishment figures such as S.M. Sikri, former chief justice of India, V.M. Tarkunde and R.S. Narula, former high court judges, Soli Sorabjee, senior advocate in the Supreme Court, Rajni Kothari, political scientist, Lt Gen J.S. Aurora, the Bangladesh war hero, and Khushwant Singh, author and columnist.
The CJC was formed under the chairmanship of Sikri with the express object of helping the Commission arrive at the truth. But Misra’s machinations forced it to walk out saying his unusual procedure only served the purpose of “shielding the culprits and suppressing the truth.” In other words, a group headed by a former chief justice of India accused a serving Supreme Court judge of subverting an inquiry by lying and colluding with the powers-that-be. The charge sounds all the more serious considering that the inquiry was into a massacre of 4,000 citizens right in the Capital.
On the eve of the massacre, P.V. Narasimha Rao, who as home minister was responsible for what was then the Union territory of Delhi, assured the press that everything would be under control within a couple of hours. Misra absolved him of any responsibility for the administrative collapse during the three-day massacre. Years later, after Rao became Prime Minister and Misra retired as chief justice of India, Rao made Misra the first chairman of, of all the things, the National Human Rights Commission. Misra has since joined Congress and become its member in the Rajya Sabha.
In April 1989, emboldened by Misra’s clean chit to him, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi declared in Parliament: “The terrible bloodbath of November 1984 was a carnage which will rest for ever on the conscience of all decent Indians.” The material put together in this CD shows that the Misra inquiry and the subsequent motions of follow up action were no less a matter that should rest for ever on the conscience of all decent Indians.
For the record, the Misra Commission recommended a committee to look into allegations that many cases were either not registered or not properly investigated. The first proposal the committee made in 1987 was for registration of a murder case against former Congress MP Sajjan Kumar. The police did not act on the committee’s instruction. Instead, an associate of Sajjan Kumar obtained a stay from the Delhi high court on the very functioning of the committee. In October 1989, the high court quashed the very appointment of the committee. About five months later, the V.P. Singh Government appointed a fresh committee minus the defect pointed out by the high court. Subsequently, many cases came to be taken up by the police but because of the delay and cursory investigation less than five per cent of those have resulted in convictions. Most of the convictions were for minor offences like rioting and violation of curfew orders. Needless to add, no political leader has so far been convicted for his complicity in the 1984 massacre.
Meanwhile, there was another committee, again recommended by the Misra Commission, to identify delinquent police officials. A report submitted by one of the two committee members recommended various degrees of punishment to 72 police officials, including six IPS officers. But due to some reason or the other, the Government has so far not taken action against any of the officials.
It was against this dismal background of legal deception and unfulfilled expectations that the Vajpayee Government took the momentous decision in December 1999 to accept the demand for a fresh judicial inquiry into the whole issue of the 1984 carnage. In Parliament, members of all the parties, including the Congress party, passed a resolution supporting the Government’s decision in this regard. The subsequent appointment of the Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission is nevertheless an unprecedented development. The Misra Commission earned the dubious distinction of giving such a report that the Government was prompted to order an inquiry into the matter all over again.
Fortunately, despite a lapse of more than 16 years since the carnage, the decision to hold a fresh judicial inquiry has paid off. Hundreds of victims and witnesses responded enthusiastically by filing affidavits and adducing evidence in public hearings before the Nanavati Commission. Though it apparently took a while to locate the old records, the Vajpayee Government has been more forthcoming in disclosing documents related to the decisions taken by authorities during and after the carnage. In the process, a whole lot of new evidence has come to light thanks to the ongoing proceedings of the Nanavati Commission.
For instance, many eminent persons have for the first time been able to put on record how home minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and lt governor of Delhi P.G. Gavai dithered the carnage when asked to take prompt action and call in the Army. Several depositions before the Nanavati Commission have also come up with fresh evidence against Congress leaders H.K.L. Bhagat and Sajjan Kumar for their role in the violence. As for the complicity of the police, one very significant pattern of evidence that has now emerged is that the first priority of top officers throughout Delhi, from the commissioner downwards, seems to have been to disarm Sikhs and arrest them. The Nanavati Commission’s proceedings also yielded documentary evidence (mainly in the form of Kusum Lata Mittal’s report) giving the lie to the Misra Commission’s finding that the violence escalated because police stations had failed to keep their seniors informed about the gravity of the situation.
A lot of such tell-tale evidence that has come up before the Nanavati Commission as well as official and non-official reports given over the years in connection with the 1984 carnage have been painstakingly put together in this CD. It is hoped that the CD will, at the very least, serve as a record for the posterity and provide insights into how a state that prides itself on being secular and democratic was complicit in a massacre of members of a minority community. It is also hoped that the Nanavati Commission, conscious of its position in history, will undo the mischief of its predecessor and help the victims secure justice, howsoever belatedly.
Every citizen concerned about the health of our democracy has a vital stake in helping establish the principle that no political party should be allowed to use mass killings to reap a political harvest. The Congress party did it in 1984 victimising Sikhs. The BJP tried to do it in 2002 victimising Muslims. Since he has been appointed to head the inquiry into the Gujarat riots as well, Justice Nanavati has been conferred, in the eyes of history, a special responsibility to unravel this kind of cynical exploitation of baser instincts. No matter what the outcome of Justice Nanavati’s exertions, this CD is offered as a humble and heart-felt tribute to the thousands of unknown men, women and children who for no fault of theirs were killed, raped, widowed, orphaned or rendered homeless in India’s Capital in those fateful days of 1984.
COMPENSATION TO VICTIMS
While the courts have by and large failed to secure justice to carnage victims, they have been able to make headway on the issue of compensation. But for judicial intervention, the Government would have got away with a meagre compensation. Initially, it gave a compensation of only Rs 10,000 for each death and up to Rs 1,000 to each injured person. As for damage to property, the compensation ranged from Rs 1,000 to Rs 10,000. Not surprisingly, many victims saw these meagre amounts as a further affront. Some victims even refused to accept the compensation.
In 1986, on the insistence of the Citizens Justice Committee, the Misra Commission asked the Government to enhance the compensation amounts. The Government gave another Rs 10,000 in death cases.
Subsequently, the courts made up to some extent for the Government’s apathy. In 1992, the Supreme Court directed that the interest on the loans advanced to riot victims should be reduced to one per cent between 1984 and 1992. And then in 1996, one compassionate judge of the Delhi high court, Justice Anil Dev Singh, directed compensation of Rs 3.50 lakh for each person killed in the 1984 carnage. The then BJP Government in Delhi accepted this judgment and decided not to file an appeal against it. The enhanced compensation of Rs 3.50 lakh was paid in about 80 per cent of the cases in 1998-99. Some claims are still pending for various reasons.
108
« on: June 01, 2009, 01:40:47 AM »
Ssa all pj members.. aaj bade time baad pj te aaya te sochiya is wapsi nu yaadgar banon layi kuch khas kita jave... te eh ek chhoti jahi koshish kiti aa umeed aa tusi pasand karoge...
25 saal ho gaye tere to mangde insaaf aa....
kita na sade naal tu insaaf sarkare....
haq jo sade bande aa asi dang naal laine aa...
karna na tainu asi kade maaf sarkaare...
ek ek saheed da hai khoon jithe duliya...
othe dolna hai khoon hun tera sarkare...
tali ute sees dhar asi mout nu vahona aa...
sanu rokan da kehda karu jera sarkare...
hun lakh tu sakeeman ghad lakh labh la gadaran nu...
pechh jani nai teri koi tu jor la lavi sarkare...
ek ek kar eh gadar gaddi chaddne aa...
bhaven kiniya tu z sequrity de devi sarkare....
Tezy ne jo kiha oh karke dikhona aa...
nai mout da ohnu hun dar sarkare...
khalistan sada aa supniya da ghar ni...
bana k rahina hun asi sada ghar sarkare....
109
« on: June 01, 2009, 01:09:48 AM »
ssa sab to pahilan te sariyan nu..... jo purane member aa oh te jande e aa mainu..... je to nave member aa oh sayad na jande hon coz main pichle kuch months to pj te nai c aa riha kuch reasons karke..... te hun sayad fer regularly aaya karan... jive v naven member aa aa ohna nu main apni introduction de riha k mera naam Tezy Sandhu aa... jidan kee main pahilan v dasiya k main old member aa pj da is karke tusi mere topic te sher v pade hune aa ithe te koshish karunga k kuch hor v likhan tuhade layi.. ek war fer pyar bhari ssa ....khush raho sab
110
« on: February 10, 2009, 11:28:24 PM »
Ssa Punjabi Janta.... I really need Adobe Photo Shot software.... if some one can find that software for me plzzzz..
Thanks
111
« on: January 20, 2009, 11:08:56 PM »
hih hih hih hih Really Funny
112
« on: January 19, 2009, 09:45:09 PM »
Asi Pyar te ohnu kar baithe nahi dita sath naseeban ne...
Bas kalle bah k ro laina hor kar v kee laina gareeban ne....
Oh hasde wasde rahan sda asi fatt hizar de khalange...
Tu dhuron likhaye lekh bure inj jhala dil samjhalange...
Yaar sade nu dekh hasda asi has has zindgi jeelange...
Sada kee e asi fatt hizar de hanjuyan de naal seelange...
Asi sajda yaar nu hi karna rab rusda e tan rus jave...
Bas yaar ruse na kade sada eh zindh mukdi e tan muk jave...
Par khore Tezy de tan wich karma us rab likhiya sada rona e..
Hor kise kuch kar nahi sakna jo us likhiya oh hona e.....
113
« on: January 18, 2009, 05:06:31 PM »
SSA PUNJABI JANTA MAIN EK NAWAN SONG LIKHIYA PLZ SARE JANE DASO EH SONG KIDAN LAGA....
KAHINDI HUN SAJANA TU BHUL JA PYAR\.....
PAHLAN HAS HAS LAYIAN KAYON C TU YAARIYAN...
NI HO GAYIAN, HO GAYIAN E TAINU IZZTAN PYARIYAN
NI HUN HO GAYIAN........
ASI ZIND JAAN DITI TERE PICHE ROL ...
TERE TO BAGER DUKH DASAN KIHNU PHOL ..
KAHTON KARDI E SADE NAAL HUSHEYARIAN....
NI HO GAYIAN, HO GAYIAN E TAINU IZZTAN PYARIYAN
NI HUN HO GAYIAN........
SAHIBAN WANGU HO GAYE TAINU VEER NI PAYARE...
KAHTON PUT TU BEGANA DITA ROL MUTIYAARE...
ASI CHHADIYAN C TERE PICHE SARDARIYAN.........
NI HO GAYIAN, HO GAYIAN E TAINU IZZTAN PYARIYAN
NI HUN HO GAYIAN........
PYAR KAHTON PAYA JE TU TOD NAHI NIBHANA C...
HATH KAYON FADAYA JE TU ADH CHO CHHUDANA C....
HUN TOD CHALI TEZY NAALO KAHTON YAARIYAN ......
NI HO GAYIAN, HO GAYIAN E TAINU IZZTAN PYARIYAN
NI HUN HO GAYIAN........
PLZ SARE JANE JAROOR DASNA KIVE LAGA EH SONG
114
« on: January 10, 2009, 10:12:01 PM »
YAAR YAAR TE HAR KOI KAHINDA...
PAR SACHE YAAR BHALNE AUKHE...
HAD HANJUYAN DE NA ROKIYAN RUKDE..
JAD DE JAVE KOI DHOKHE...
SACHA YAAR TE OHNU KAHINDE
JO AAYI MOUT V ROKE...
PAIR NA PICHE KADE V PATDE..
SADA MILDE NEDE HOKE...
NAAL UDON KOI VIRLA KHADDA..
JAD PAI JANDE NE PECHE...
EH DUNIYA BAN GAYI PAISA MANDI
ETHE HAR KOI KHUD NU VECHE...
YAAR YARAN DE BAN GAYE VERI..
TE YAAR HI DGA KAMONDE NE...
JE JAD V KIDHRE MILDA PAISA...
VIKAN LAGE MINT NA LONDE NE...
DIL DE WICH WASA LAI TEZY...
YAARI LAKE DOLI NA...
YAARI WALA BHET AMULA...
HOR KISE KOL KHOLI NA...
115
« on: January 10, 2009, 10:03:15 PM »
KEE SIFAT KARAN OHDI SURAT DI MAIN....
OH PARIYON SOHNI LAGDI AA..
MAITHON HUSAN BAYAN NAHI HUNDA...
JAD KHID KHID KARKE HASDI AA...
KEE SIFAT KARAN OHDI TOR DI MAIN...
OH WANG MORNI TURDI AA...
BOCH BOCH PAB EDAN RAKHE
JAYON PANI UTE TARDI AA..
KEE SIFAT KARAN OHDI TOHAR DI MAIN..
OH WANG NAWABAN JACHDI DI AA...
UDON OH ZAHARI NAGAN BANKE..
MERE DIL DE TAYI THAGDI AA...
KEE SIFAT KARE HOR TEZY OHDI..
JO AKHAN DE WICH WASDI AA...
MAINU HAR PAR RAHINDA KHAYAL OHDA
TE MERE SUPNIYA DE WICH HASDI AA...
116
« on: January 10, 2009, 09:54:56 PM »
Eh jande aa is duniya nu ek tu hi riha chala rabba....
asi kine dekh beshukre aa tainu chhadiya dilon bhula rabba...
dharti de chape chape te khandi barhmandi raaj tera...
tere hukam te duniya wasdi e sah ek ek e mohtaj tera...
kaynat da malik tu e unj rakhe tere naam bade...
tu pak e aad jugadon e tere bandiyan te iljam bade...
tere tak eko janda e asi kayi bana laye rah rabba..
asi kine dekh............
Mande aa tainu matlab layi kayi tran de bhesh banone aa...
teri out ch apniyan asi hatiyan paye chalone aa...
tere naa te lokan nu asi apne piche la chhadiya...
lokan de paise naal asi eman v apna kha chhadiya...
oye tu ohle karke bachiyan e nahi wech k jande kha rabba...
asi kine dekh..........
Nahi isha tainu pone di asi talabgar han kursi de...
asi upron upron tere aa par wichon yaar aa kursi de...
izat sadi rahe na rahe kursi sadi rah jave...
kursi sane tu rabba kite sadi nazari pai jave...
oh mint ch tainu lah k dayie apna koi bitha rabba...
asi kine dekh........
khud bane pavitar horan nu duron darkaran lag paye aa..
dar bhulke tera tainu hi hoshe wangaran lag paye aa...
makhsoospuri hankariyan nu har pason maran pai rahiyan..
tere sache dar to tutiyan nu har pason maaran pai rahiyan..
tera dosh nahi Debi jahe kitiyan rahe ne pa rabba.....
asi kine dekh beshukre aa tainu chhadiya dilon bhula rabba...
117
« on: December 26, 2008, 08:07:52 PM »
Chalo sare jane daso pyar da izhar kive kita ja sakda. I mean pyar da izhar karan da best way kehda ? Tusi apne pyar da izhar kive karoge ?
118
« on: December 25, 2008, 01:53:27 PM »
Hanji ssa punjabi janta... kee haal tuhade sab de
Hanji gal kuch edan kee main kise kudi nu dekhiya te oh bahoot sohni c
te ohnu dekhde sar riha nahi gya te main pen laike eh sher likh dita
hun tusi daso kee sayri andaj wich husan di tareef tuhanu kidan lagi...
Tainu dekh k mainu inj lagiya jayon chadiyan chan banere te...
Rakh roop apne nu sambh bilo koi aashiq ho jayu tere te.....
Dar lagda na nazar di badli chha jave is chadde hoye sawere te...
Ni tu darshan Tez nu de dite lagda rab diyal aa mere te........
Thanx guys for ur time
119
« on: December 23, 2008, 10:59:03 PM »
Hanji ithe apan sariyan ne sher o shayri karni aa
par sher ohi likhna jo upar wale de sher da jawab hove...
like padan wale nu lage kee jo sher likhiya oh upar wale da jawab aa
chalo main likhda pahla sher te tusi dena jawab...
Aa Sajna sade dil di sunja tainu dil da haal sunawan...
laike tainu wich galwakdi main baat pyar di pawan...
sade ghar sade sajna auna te main dharti pair na lawan..
ve deja ek tasali Tezy kite hizar ch na mar jawan....
120
« on: December 23, 2008, 10:29:23 PM »
Lahu naal sinje hoye ne ankhan de baag asi......
Tahi tusi mande ne mouj eh baharan di....
Julma de rukh asi jad ton hi put sute......
ave tan nahi duniya te thuk sardaran di...
ave tan nahi duniya te thuk sardaran di....
Kithe ne gawaye sade keemti khawab....
mundiyo Bhagat singh manga jawab......
Bano chahe pagan tusi lad chhadke rakho ankh palle.....
je sade wangu wat dena much nu te sade wangu rakho hosle...
sarna nahi tuhada vehle modan ute khadke
haq nahi dene kise thali wich dharke...
kahton chhad mehantan nu nashiyan te lage hoyi jande khokhle...
je sade wangu wat dena much nu te sade wangu rakho hosle...
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